As the 2024 Presidential elections approach the threat of fascism grows nearer. Marginalized groups find themselves in danger as the U.S. becomes more polarized and the possibility of another Trump victory looms on the horizon. Many have likened the current situation to the 2016 election that resulted in Donald Trump taking office. Right-wing and reactionary attitudes in the U.S. have seen a significant resurgence, fueled by both Trump’s rhetoric and deeper social, economic, and political crises. However, a lot has changed since Trump’s presidency, and it is important to understand how these developments could change things further.

Trump’s election emboldened far-right groups, from white nationalists to armed militias, by bringing their views from the fringes into the mainstream. His rhetoric on race, immigration, and “America First” nationalism gave tacit (and sometimes explicit) validation to xenophobic, racist, homophobic, and other authoritarian sentiments. This culminated in events like the 2017 Charlottesville rally, where white supremacists marched, openly chanting slogans like “Jews will not replace us.” Since then, many far-right groups have openly formed that are not afraid to use violence to promote their views.

Trump’s presidency also deepened the ongoing “culture wars”, as he positioned himself as a defender of reactionary values against progressive movements like Black Lives Matter, LGBTQ+ rights, and the fight against police brutality. Right-wing opposition to critical race theory (CRT) and attacks over gender and sexuality in schools intensified, leading to legislation in several states aimed at curbing what is viewed as “woke” indoctrination. “Woke” has become a catch-all term to describe progressive movements advocating for racial justice, gender equality, LGBTQ+ rights, and other forms of social justice. Trump and his allies have weaponized anti-wokeness as a rallying cry to galvanize their base, presenting it as a threat to traditional American values and freedom. Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs in workplaces, universities, and other institutions have also been targeted as part of the right’s anti-woke crusade. Republican-led states have enacted laws aimed at reducing or eliminating DEI efforts in higher education and public institutions, portraying these programs as part of a woke agenda that discriminates against white people or imposes political correctness.

The COVID-19 pandemic further accelerated right-wing extremism. Trump’s dismissal of scientific expertise and promotion of disinformation surrounding the pandemic fueled a broader anti-science sentiment commonly found in fascist movements. Far-right groups capitalized on this distrust, merging anti-vaccine and anti-mask rhetoric with conspiracy theories about government overreach, often framing these public health measures as part of a broader leftist plot to infringe on individual freedoms. This also became combined with anti-environmentalism and climate change denialism, as Trump proudly called climate change a “hoax,” declaring that he won’t allow more taxpayer money to be spent on it. One can only imagine the consequences that would result from another 4 years of an anti-environmental industrial policy. This anti-scientific view has become a rallying point for reactionary politics, intensifying the polarization of the U.S. public.

Even more concerning has been the growing popularity of the fascist “Great Replacement” theory, which claims that white Americans are being systematically replaced by immigrants and people of color. This conspiracy theory has gained traction within Trump’s voter base. It can be seen most recently in the anti-immigrant rhetoric against Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio. Both Trump and his running mate JD Vance have made absurd claims about Haitian migrants contributing to a rise in violent crime and killing pets. These claims have been repeatedly proven false by local officials and the FBI. Despite the lack of evidence for any of these claims, he has succeeded in creating a new wave of anti-immigrant hate and promised, “We will have the largest deportation in the history of our country. And we’ll start with Springfield and Aurora”.

Right-wing media and online platforms have amplified these views, notably the social media platform X (formerly known as Twitter) which is now owned by Elon Musk. Since purchasing the platform, Musk has also come out as a proud Trump supporter and a proponent of what he deems free speech, allowing all kinds of hateful content and disinformation to be promoted on X by huge right-wing accounts. Algorithms often prioritize sensationalist and divisive content, accelerating the spread of fascist propaganda while creating echo chambers that reinforce extremist views. The support from billionaires like Musk who use their wealth to promote reactionary views has helped to legitimize Trumpism as mainstream ideology.

Of course, the MAGA movement is not the only threat. The Democratic Party has not only shown itself complicit in the rise of neofascism but also demonstrated an inability to properly confront the neofascist threat. It has continued to show support for Israeli aggression in Gaza and military interventions abroad with funds and arms shipments to aid its genocidal campaign. While at home pro-Palestinian student protestors faced violent fascist reaction from the police and Zionists.

Additionally, the Democrats have also failed to address the militarization of the police, which disproportionately targets Black communities and fuels the authoritarian tendencies that fascism thrives on. This is an especially big failure in light of the aftermath of the mass uprisings against police brutality in 2020 where millions of people participated. While they have rhetorically opposed Trump’s policies, Democrats have continued to approve vast military budgets, support mass surveillance, and fail to dismantle structures that uphold systemic oppression, contributing to the conditions that allow fascism to flourish.

While surely a better alternative to a Trumpist victory it is clear that the Democrats will not stop the growing fascist threat at our doorstep. Similarly to 2016, instead of offering a bold alternative to Trumpism, Democratic leaders have largely focused on incremental reforms, maintaining the status quo, and upholding corporate interests, which alienates much of the working class and progressive base. This centrist positioning has allowed the far right to frame themselves as the “true opposition” to the establishment, feeding into populist narratives that resonate with disaffected voters. Thus, we see the attitude on the left of those who rightfully criticize the Democrats for their role in escalating imperialist wars but see no difference in whether Trump or Kamala wins.

As the events of January 6^th, 2021, remind us, a defeat in the presidential election does not mean the end of the fascist threat. It is also important to acknowledge that fascism in America does not begin and end with Trump despite him playing the biggest role in bringing it forth in American politics. The rise of the American far-right in the past decade has largely been a reaction to the development of progressive movements that have been led by BIPOC, women, LGBTQ+ people, and student youth. Even if Trump loses the election, these sentiments, which are by now found among a large segment of the population will not disappear overnight and may even appear in a more violent form. The only thing that can bring an end to this threat is the creation of a multifaceted strategy from the left, grounded in both immediate resistance and long-term transformative organizing. This begins with the mobilization of a broad anti-fascist coalition that addresses the systemic roots of fascism.

The fascist threat is fundamentally anti-democratic, seeking to erode minority rights, suppress dissent, and undermine democratic institutions. Thus, this anti-fascist coalition must be intersectional, uniting working-class, racial justice, feminist, LGBTQ+, environmental, and immigrant rights movements. The left must not only defend existing democratic rights but also work to expand them, making democracy more participatory and inclusive. All the while we must maintain a consistent anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist stance to differentiate ourselves from centrist liberals working within the Democratic Party and campist leftists who fail to recognize non-U.S. imperialism.

Seeing the large role social media played in the last election and how much platforms like X contribute to the growing far-right echo chamber, it has become necessary for the left to engage in the battle over digital spaces. This means not only pushing for stronger regulation of disinformation and hate speech on existing platforms but also building alternative digital spaces. This involves creating and amplifying counter-narratives that debunk far-right myths and expose the connections between fascism, racism, and capitalism’s crisis. This tech-driven aspect of modern fascism should be understood as both a challenge and an opportunity for left organizing in the digital age.

One cannot forget of course that fascism is not just a national threat. The rise of Trumpism is part of a global rise in right-wing authoritarianism. Working class movements in other countries like the UK and France have already begun mobilizing in response to this. As this continues it will be incredibly important that the anti-fascist movement in the U.S. connects to anti-fascist movements in Europe, Latin America, South Asia, and beyond.

The immediate threat is a fascist one, but it is not the whole problem. As more people come to recognize that a greater transformation is needed, the left will be tasked with presenting a viable alternative to capitalism. The left must not only resist but also offer a compelling, positive vision for the future rooted in the abolition of capitalism and all fetters to human emancipation. Such a humanistic vision can also offer a challenge to the dehumanizing and alienating rhetoric espoused by fascist ideology.

Trump’s presidency catalyzed a broader shift to the right in the U.S., mainstreaming reactionary ideologies that challenge the democratic order and exacerbate social divisions. The rise of the far right and increasing polarization of the U.S. has painted a grim picture of the future, but it is not hopeless. When talking about how much reactionary sentiment has grown since 2016 one has to also consider how much potential forces of revolution have grown as well. As the crises of capitalism and the fragmentation of democracy have become more apparent, more working-class people have been given impetus to become politically involved whether it be in social movements concerning their own rights or those of others. There is also the much larger social base of politically active youth that have found themselves on the frontlines in protests and encampments challenging the neofascist threat. If we do not want an ugly repeat of 2016 then it is essential that we take this neofascist threat seriously and organize these growing revolutionary forces.